Introducing our new podcast

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With our new youthpolicy podcast “Stirring up the grounds” we want to look beyond and behind the high-flying rhetorics of youth policies and politics.

Podcast “Stirring up the ground”

With our guests we discuss and explore—from diverse points of view—which policies for young people work, which don’t, and why.

For the first episode, published today, the new UN Youth Envoy, Ahmad Alhendawi, joins us to look at his first work plan and to discuss how youth policy and the youth sector have to change.

For the second episode, to be published in a few days, Nicole Goldin will join us to look back at the development of USAID’s youth in development policy and to discuss the upcoming global youth well-being index.

Generally, our podcast has three sections:

Podcast “Stirring up the ground”

  • We want our listeners to be introduced to each guest professionally, that means their background in youth work and youth policy and their position and influence in the youth sector. Some time of the interview will hence be dedicated to the experience of our guests in the youth sector, their previous and current work and their visions and ideas.
  • We also want our listeners to be introduced to each guest a little more personally, without loosing the connection to youth issues altogether. We will, for example, ask whether there any youth activist, from current or older times, that have left a lasting impression on our guests, or whether there is any song, any music, any quote, that was or is meaningful for the youth movement, globally or regionally, that our guests find especially powerful or thoughtful.
  • And last but certainly not least, we want to, as the podcast teaser says, “discuss and explore—from diverse points of view—which policies for young people work, which don’t, and why.”

Each podcast episode will be specific in relating to the work and perspective of our guests, to their approach of dealing with youth issues, and to the dilemmas and challenges they are faced with in their work.

After editing and post-production, the podcast episodes will typically be between 40 and 60 minutes including intros, teasers, intermezzos and extros.

One final word about our approach: while we will not shy away from asking critical questions, and from asking questions critically, this will neither happen in the sense of interrogation nor with a sense of entitlement – we want these podcasts to be conversations that are relaxed and informative, calm and meaningful, entertaining and insightful. We will try and inject a little humour, invite our guests to do the same, and hope that it shows and shines through.

You can find the full overview of episodes at http://www.youthpolicy.org/podcast/, where we list, for every episode ever published, a selection of quotes from the podcast, all links mentioned in the podcast with a time-stamp, the original audio file and a link to the episode on iTunes.

Podcast “Stirring up the ground”

You can also subscribe to the podcast in iTunes, which we warmly recommend, as it will allow you to not only enjoy the audio but also the artwork – and we do invest quite some time in making the artwork both informative and entertaining: “Stirring up the grounds” in iTunes.

Feel free to share your feedback, including suggestions for future interview and conversation partners: podcast@youthpolicy.org.


Youth and Public Policy in Estonia

CONTEXT OF THE YOUTH POLICY REVIEWS

This audit, published in 2013 with the generous support of the Open Society Foundations, evaluates the impact of public policies on young people in Estonia, analysing not only specific youth policies, but the wider policy dossiers affecting young peoples’ lives and rights.

It is part of a pilot series of six audit reports reviewing public policies affecting young people in the following countries: Estonia, Kyrgyzstan, Liberia, Nepal, Serbia, and Uganda. The pilot project consisted of research teams on the ground to conduct analyses based on a specially developed evaluation matrix, assisted and supported in the research process by international advisors. An International Editorial Board supervised and evaluated the pilot process.

The Open Society Youth Initiative provided funding for the pilot project. The Youth Initiative supports young people in their efforts to be agents of positive change and advocates for the full and effective participation of all young people in the political, social, and cultural life of their communities.

OBJECTIVES OF THE YOUTH POLICY REVIEWS

The pilot project had the following objectives:

  • To review public policies pertaining to youth (including, but not exclusively, specific youth policies) in several countries using the draft evaluation matrix specifically developed for the purpose.
  • To make available research that will allow young people to engage in an informed debate on the public policies affecting them and their communities in the countries concerned.
  • To build a pool of young researchers capable of evaluating policies pertaining to youth, including specific youth policies.
  • To contribute to building the capacity of the youth sector in the countries concerned to research public policy issues.
  • To develop the evidence base for pilot advocacy activities in cooperation with the Open Society Youth Initiative and other partners.
  • To broaden the scope of the international youth sector to include general policies pertaining to youth that go beyond specific youth policies.
  • To develop the capacity of the international youth sector and its partners and networks for evidence-based strategy development for young people and their issues.

KEY FINDINGS OF THE ESTONIAN REVIEW

Youth and Public Policy in Estonia

Estonia, with its eventful recent history and the presence of a significant Russian-speaking minority, is an ageing society: In 2011, young people between 7 and 26 years of age made up 22 percent of the total Estonian population, a percentage which is going to drop considerably in the coming decades because of a consistently low birth rate and further losses through youth emigration.

There is a wide range of legislative acts and government programs concering young people, using a variety of age brackets and words referring to young people, showcasing that policies pertaining to youth are not rigidly structured across different policy fields. Moreover, consensus exists among all stakeholders that Estonian youth policy must be both horizontal (reflecting different aspects of young people’s lives in connection with all relevant policy fields) and integrated (taking a young person’s actual state, interests, and needs as starting point). Accordingly, Estonian youth is seen as a diverse and heterogeneous population, with different groups having dissimilar needs.

Against this backdrop, a number of gaps in Estonia’s youth policy realities have been identified by this study:

  • Cooperation between different ministries and their subordinate organizations for developing and implementing youth-related policies is predominantly issue- or theme-specific. Although the creation of one central unit (e.g., Ministry of Youth) has never been aspired to, institutionalized and permanent cooperative networks in the youth field (between ministries and other actors) are lacking;
  • Among the different groups within Estonian youth, members of the Russian-speaking minority, LGBT youth, and youth at risk appear to be particularly vulnerable or at least as most likely to be ignored by society and policymakers compared with their peers;
  • At least on the local level, the youth field is one of the most vulnerable areas in budget discussions, which indicates to us that the awareness of the need for youth-sensitive budgeting has yet to be developed among some stakeholders;
  • Young people’s involvement in youth policy is still rather modest. On the one hand, youth are complaining about a lack of genuine openness among decision makers and the fragmented nature of the youth policy system—both can discourage young people from getting involved. On the other hand, policymakers question young people’s ability and willingness to generalize their views to the relevant target groups and to seriously contribute to the decision-making process.

DOWNLOAD THE FULL REPORT AS A PDF

The full audit report can be downloaded as a pdf document here:

English: Youth and Public Policy in Estonia (2 MB, pdf)

READ THE FULL REPORT ONLINE

We will turn the English version of the report into an online format so it can browsed and read—in its entirety—online.

THANKS & ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We extend our thanks to Liisa Müürsepp, Ilona-Evelyn Rannala, Marti Taru, Maarja Toots, Simon Bart, Yael Ohana and Milosz Czerniejewski for their hard work on the report, to all the persons we were able to interview and discuss the situation of young people and the impact of public policies on youth in Estonia, as well as to the teams of the Open Society Youth Initiative, iDebate Press and Demokratie & Dialog.

There is a new envoy in town

Ahmad Alhendawi

Ahmad Alhendawi

Ahmad Alhendawi, the new Secretary-General’s Envoy on Youth, was sworn in at UN headquarters on February 15. Ahmad, a youth practitioner with a background in youth development, wants to take on the momentous challenge of harmonising the work of the UN agencies on youth issues. We welcome Ahmad and wish him all the best.

UPDATE: Here is the work plan for Ahmad’s first year in office: Workplan Youth Envoy 2013-2014.


On February 15, 2013 the newly appointed Secretary-General’s Envoy on Youth, Ahmad Alhendawi, was sworn in at the UN headquarters.

Ahmad joints more than a hundred representatives, advisors, coordinators, rapporteurs and envoys supporting the work of the United Nation’s Secretary General, among them

  • High Representatives, such as the High Representative of the Secretary-General for the Alliance of Civilizations, currently Nassir Abdulaziz al-Nasser from Qatar;
  • Special Representatives, such as the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Violence Against Children, currently Marta Santos Pais from Portugal;
  • Special Advisors, such as the Special Adviser on Innovative Financing for Development, currently Philippe Douste-Blazy from France;
  • Special Coordinators, such as the Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, currently Robert H. Serry from the Netherlands;
  • Special Rapporteurs, such as the Special Rapporteur for the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, currently Frank William La Rue from Guatemala;
  • Special Envoys, such as the Special Envoys of the Secretary-General on Climate Change, currently Gro Harlem Brundtland from Norway, Ricardo Lagos Escobar from Chile, Festus Mogae from Botswana and Srgjan Kerim from Macedonia; and
  • Personal Envoys, such as the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General for Western Sahara, currently Christopher Ross from the United States.
Ahmad Alhendawi

Ahmad Alhendawi, here with Mohamed from Ezz Photography during a recent photo shoot.

And now, probably because of his age without the attribute ‘special’ or ‘personal’, there is a new Envoy:

The Envoy of the Secretary-General on Youth, Ahmad Alhendawi from Jordan, who will support Ban Ki-moon in addressing his thematic priority of working with and for young people as part of his current Five-Year Action Agenda.

Ahmad’s profile fits the bill well – he has worked in the international youth sector for quite some time, from Save the Children to the International Youth Council, has worked on youth policy nationally and internationally, from Iraq and Jordan to the Middle East and North Africa more broadly, and last but certainly not least has institutional expertise, having worked for UNFPA and the League of Arab States. His appointment in January has been met with wide-spread approval across the entire sector.

In a recent interview on February 5, 2013, Ahmad—who tweets at @AhmadAlhendawi—said:

“Another important dimension for this appointment is trying to have a clear championship for young people in the UN secretariat and to try and harmonise better the work of the UN agencies at the headquarters level, regional levels and the country level.”

(time-stamp: 2’02″ – 2’22″)

We couldn’t agree more, as our previous articles such as the one highlighted below on “The UN and youth: a cacophony of inconsistent action” have made clear for some time, and look forward to the harmonisation process, which we will continue to follow critically here on youthpolicy.org.

At the end of the interview, Ahmad said

“I am a youth practitioner, I worked in youth development at very graasroot level to the national level and in different capacities. (…) As Envoy, I will do my best to represent [young people], (…) and to deliver.”

(time-stamp: 15’18″ – 15’55″)

We hope to discuss the momentous task ahead of Ahmad with him in our new youthpolicy podcast soon.

Stay tuned!


The UN and youth: a cacophony of inconsistent action

UN and youth: a cacophony of competitive actions

The deeply disparate, often disconnected and increasingly competitive actions of the United Nations and its various agencies, programmes, funds, initiatives and offices in the youth field mostly fail to achieve international co-operation in solving the problems of young people. Attempts to coordinate and harmonise this cacophony began in 2010, aiming to prevent the different mandates, mechanisms and logics from colliding. What has changed since then?

http://www.youthpolicy.org/blog/2012/08/un-youth-cacophony/


Don Popo & Familia Ayara

Don Popo and Familia Ayara work in Bogotá, Colombia, with young people who have been abused. In our youth work documentary we show how young people who have never touched a microphone embrace hip-hop because it’s not about knowing – but about feeling, about hope, and about challenging the laws of gravity.


In 2012 we started a series of youth work documentaries, in which we portray youth workers and youth work projects from around the the world.

The first documentary took us to Leicester in the United Kingdom, where Yasmin Sheikh, Rashid Aslam and Irfan Yusuf introduced us to their boxing project. The second documentary showcased Basketbeat, a collaboration between El Casal dels Infants and Ribermúsica in Barcelona, Spain. Ousman Jallow, José Ramon Mariñes, Aly Dieng, Dioulde Balde, Amine Sonko, Abdelmounim Simek, Marta Vallespin, Kristian Draxl and Josep Ma Aragay showed us how Bàsquet Beat makes young people feel like being part of the community – thanks to the music.

In this third documentary we travel to Bogotá, Colombia, where the Fundación Artistica y Cultural La Familia Ayara works through hip-hop with young people who have been mentally, physically or sexually abused. Hip-hop has several forms of expression: “rapping, our poetry; breakdancing, our dance; graffiti, our fine arts; and discjockeying, embodying the movement’s musicality.” But hip-hop is much more than an artistic expression, it is a social, political and transformational movement.

“We believe youth has the key to change. They have the strength to create social transformation. It’s them we have to inspire so that they can believe in themselves. And we inspire them through art. We believe in art. Above all, in the art of hip-hop.”

Meet Diego Ibarguen-Shoko, B. Girl Viviana, Diana Katerine Ortega, Santiago Alvarado, Camilo Hernández, Josimar Moreno, Peter Sinisterra, and MC Bob – enjoy this documentary by Gonzalo Escuder & Nacho Gómez with music by Don Popo, Cynthia Montaño and more:

Don Popo & Familia Ayara – A youth work documentary from Youthpolicy on Vimeo.

“Youth needs hope. The hope that it is possible to change reality. They need to dream. And hip-hop gives them the chance to dream.”

Find the “Fundación Artistica y Cultural La Familia Ayara” on Facebook.

Looking back at the Global Youth Forum

The Global Youth Forum, announced as “a first-of-its-kind global forum,” had to live up to high ambitions. Have the three days really been “an unprecedented opportunity to influence global policy” and “the starting point for a sustainable youth advocacy movement” as intended and claimed?

We look behind the automated praise of the final declaration and the star-struck coverage of the Global Youth Forum and document the hard landing of a high-flying event.


The starting point: bold claims and high ambitions

The Global Youth Forum (GYF) in Indonesia brought together 600 individuals from over 130 countries at the splendid Nusa Dua conference centre close to Denpasar on Bali. The ambitions were as high as the venue was beautiful… The event was described as

  • “an unprecedented opportunity to influence global policy,”
  • “a first-of-its-kind global forum,”
  • “the starting point for a sustainable youth advocacy movement” and
  • “the moment when the 43% take control of our shared future.”

Which of its ambitions has the Global Youth Forum managed to achieve?

The sobering reality: a non-committal and non-authorative consultation

  1. The protection, survival and development of children and youth.
  2. 
The fight against neglect, exploitation and abuse of children and youth.
  3. 
The enactment of laws against exploitation and abuse of children and youth.
  4. 
The elimination of all child marriages and prevention of early marriages.
  5. 
The alleviation of suffering of children and youth in armed conflicts.
  6. The ambition to meet the needs and aspirations of children and youth.
  7. The formulation of training and employ­ment programmes for children and youth.
  8. 
The active involvement of children and youth in the planning, implementation and evaluation of activities with a direct impact on their lives. [Source]

In less flowery terms, the Global Youth Forum is the first of three thematic meetings in a three-year, three-phase process reviewing the programme of action that has guided the work of the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) since it was adopted at the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) in Cairo in 1994.

In reference to the 1994 milestone conference, which is famous for

“making sure that every person counts rather than just counting people,”

the process reviewing achievements, gaps and challenges in delivering the ICPD action plan is referred to as “ICPD Beyond 2014.”

The name also serves as the url of the website documenting the entire review process at icpdbeyond2014.org.

The Global Youth Forum is, as the complex diagram below illustrates (pdf-version here), first and foremost a small cog wheel in the overall machinery of the ICPD review process.

Its main function is to provide a youth-perspective in determining the action plan that will guide the work of UNFPA from 2014 onwards.

ICPD Beyond 2014 and the Development Framework

While strengthening the youth perspective in the work of UNFPA to promote the right of every woman, man and child to enjoy a life of health and equal opportunity would be considered by many as a worthwhile undertaking, it is a few dimensions away from the fiercely ambitious slogans the Global Youth Forum has been associated with.

The main dilemma: stark discrepancy between claims and reality

And it is the stark discrepancy between the claim of being “a first-of-its-kind global forum” and the ambition to provide “an unprecedented opportunity to influence global policy,” on the one hand, and the sobering reality of being—not less but also not more than—a consultative forum of youth experts and youth leaders, on the other hand, that has obstructed the Global Youth Forum from its inception.

There was no looking back at the aims, objectives and goals of the 1994 action plan (pdf, 11 MB) related to children, adolescents and youth to discuss achievements and failures in an attempt to inform future actions of UNFPA. Instead, the attendees of the forum discussed five thematic areas in plenaries and world café debates in an attempt to be acutely relevant for the big-brother debate on how to advance the wider development agenda beyond 2015 when the Millennium Development Goals expire.

Global Youth Forum – Opening Panel

In claiming, and wanting to be “the starting point for a sustainable youth advocacy movement,” the organisers not only wrongly raised the hopes and ambitions of the entire youth sector, but set the benchmark for the success of the Global Youth Forum insanely, impossibly high.

It started with the numbers: originally announced to bring together more than a thousand young people, the figure was reduced to over 900 youth leaders a week before the event — with 600 eventually turning up, and around 220-250 actually attending most sessions.

It continued with the claim of being a first-of-its-kind Global Youth Forum to kick-off a sustainable youth advocacy movement: in reality, the event was a multi-stakeholder conference, involving governmental and non-governmental youth experts, youth leaders and youth activists. The final declaration describes the event as a

“Forum of United Nations Member States, youth groups, individual youth participants, non-governmental organizations, private sector institutions and other stakeholders.”

Hardly the first time this happened, and hardly the right starting point for a sustainable youth advocacy movement.

And ultimately, instead of being concrete, the forum was forced to be all-encompassing – and collapsed under the weight. Instead of taking discussions further and developing new approaches for action, the forum got stuck in old debates, old battles and old recommendations. Read the 20-page Bali Global Youth Forum Declaration to judge for yourself.

While the event was well organised and orchestrated, it certainly didn’t help that

  • there was no real decision to be made, no real power to be shared, no tangible outcome to be influenced;
  • the thematic briefing papers on the five themes only arrived a few hours before the event, most of them unfinishedall of them too long to be fully taken into account at such short notice;
  • the role of young people during panel sessions was reduced to one youth respondent, just as if it would be impossible to find young experts on youth issues;
  • most panels were dominated by men, going as far as four men and two empty chairs during one session;
  • traditional and social media coverage was dominated and overpowered by the stars—Agnes Monica, Avicii and Timbaland—at the opening and closing ceremonies.
The outcome document: gratuitous praise without historical context

While UNFPA, the Youth Coalition for Sexual and Reproductive Rights, the European Youth Forum and others do what always happens after conferences such as this one—namely praise and applaude the outcome: examples 1, 2, 3 and 4—there was, and is, no critical review of the final declaration. A comparison with the original 1994 action plan is as much missing as an honest account of what hasn’t been achieved; of what the declaration doesn’t say but should.

How can the outcome document be complimented for placing youth rights at the heart of development, when the declaration mostly reaffirms rights of young people that were demanded by the 1994 Cairo Youth Declaration and included in the 1994 ICPD Action Plan—but have yet to be realised?

How can the intention to place youth rights at the heart of development be taken at face value, when already the 1995 Copenhagen Youth Declaration emphasised:

“…that the rights of young people have not received the deserved attention of the United Nations system. Youth rights are an integral element of basic human rights. A Youth Rights Charter is still outstanding…”

and the 1998 Braga Youth Action Plan called for a compendium on youth rights and a special rapporteur in youth rights—all, so far, to no avail?

The wider picture: consultation without commitment

Looking at the wider picture, it seems to become clear that the continuous attempts of the United Nations and its various offices and programmes to organise non-committal consultation processes only gives credibility to the growing market of meaningless youth events. It does not, however, give credibility to global governance, the UN and its agencies, or the international youth sector.

2012 has seen a plethora of youth events in what has arguably been one of the most important years for the global governance of development: Rio+20, Youth Blast, Y20, Youth 21, Special Advisor on Youth, World Urban Youth Forum, COY8 at COP18 and this Global Youth Forum.

But unless something changes fundamentally and quickly about how such meetings are convened and conducted, young people will become so disillusioned and frustrated with these events and processes that they’ll walk away altogether from international decision-making.

The aggravating question: how can we do better?

It is clear that the international youth sector cannot just keep organising endless amounts of tokenistic events – and we all know that this is not a problem just limited to UN agencies.

What needs to change?
What will be changed?
What can be changed?

How can it be changed?

It is clear we must do better – we just have to figure out how.


 


Young youth researchers, heads up!

We seek young youth researchers to support our policy reviews as members of the research team.

Deadline for applications is December 14, 2012.

A glimpse at the context of the policy reviews

Many countries have stated their youth policies, but are they executing them? Do these policies allow young people to achieve their rights? How do specific youth policies interact with broader policies that pertain to young people, and what are the results? How can young people get their fair share of policy attention and resources?

The main aim of the review series analysing these questions is to contribute to the elaboration of evidence on which young people and supporting institutions can advocate not only for the adoption of sound national and international youth policies, but for their implementation.

The first round of policy reviews—conducted in six countries across the globe: Estonia, Kyrgyzstan, Liberia, Nepal, Serbia and Uganda—has come to a close, and the final reports will be published as a series here on www.youthpolicy.org. The first two reports on Youth and Public Policy in Kyrgyzstan and Youth and Public Policy in Serbia are available.

The second round of policy reviews, with the continued generous support from the Open Society Foundations, will begin in earnest in January 2013 with reviews in Colombia, the Czech Republic, Guinea, Hungary, Mongolia, Swaziland and Tunisia. An orientation meeting with the lead researchers and international advisors has taken place in early November 2012. It is for this second round that we now seek young youth researchers to support the policy reviews as members of the national research teams. Note that we explicitly seek younger researchers with the ambition to strengthen youth research across the countries.

Profiles, competences & tasks of the young youth researchers

As a member of the research team, we expect you to:

  • be resident in and knowledgeable about the youth situation in the country;
  • have very good command of the English language, spoken and written;
  • have excellent local and where relevant regional lingua franca competence;
  • have demonstrable experience in youth policy development or evaluation processes;
  • have demonstrable experience in applied (youth) policy research in the country;
  • have a strong connection to youth issues and be engaged in the youth scene of the country;

As a member of the research team, you will have the following tasks and responsibilities:

  • participate in and contribute to the in-country team meeting in the first quarter of 2013;
  • contribute to the development of an overall structure and approach of the review and report;
  • conduct desk and empirical research on policies pertaining to young people;
  • conduct desk and empirical research and the impact of policies on young people in the country;
  • devise and validation mechanisms for the initial (desk and empirical) research findings
  • participate in and contribute to the in-country field visits, likely in the first half of 2013;
  • fully document and archive desk and empirical research as well as the field visits;
  • raise concerns and seek advice when ambiguities arise or when assistance is needed;
  • draft chapters of the research report and comment on the draft of your team colleagues;
  • prepare and organise bibliographic resources according to style for use in the report.

Full details about the application and selection procedure as well as the objectives of the policy review series, the set-up and approach of the review series, the timeline of the second round of policy reviews, and the steps and persons involved in the process of a policy review can be found at http://www.youthpolicy.org/work-with-us/young-researchers/.


Do not hesitate to get in touch for further info.


Political slapstick: no money for youth

UN Youth Advisor: a big announcement with a small budget

Ban Ki-Moon announced the appointment of a new special advisor for youth back in January 2012 as part of his attempt to better “address the needs of the largest generation of young people the world has ever known.” But after the issue of a call for nominations in March 2012, nothing has happened for months. You want to know why? Because the money is missing. Read on for details about political slapstick by the UN at the expense of young people.


Ban Ki-Moon certainly stirred up the international youth scene when he announced, back in January 2012, to appoint a new special advisor for youth as part of his attempt to better “address the needs of the largest generation of young people the world has ever known.” (Source: the Secretary General’s five-year action plan).

The terms of reference describe the role of the special advisor, who will:

  1. serve as a global advocate for multi-stakeholder partnerships related to the United Nations system-wide action plan on youth and to youth volunteer initiatives;
  2. Promote the empowerment and foster the leadership of youth at the national, regional and global levels including through exploring mechanisms for young people’s participation in the work of the United Nations and in political and economic processes at the national, regional and global levels, with a special focus on the most marginalised and vulnerable youth;
  3. Collaborate with the Inter-Agency Network on Youth Development in developing and implementing the United Nations system-wide action plan on youth encouraging the deepening of the youth focus of existing United Nations programmes at all levels, guided by the World Programme of Action for Youth, with a focus on the priority areas identified by the Secretary General in his five-year action agenda: employment, entrepreneurship, political inclusion, citizenship and protection of rights, and education including on sexual and reproductive health;
  4. Develop a set of global principles and guidelines on how to create enabling environments for meaningful youth participation and youth leadership; and encourage governments to develop youth engagement strategies including through the development of structures and mechanisms for supporting young people’s engagement;
  5. Promote the engagement and involvement of young people and youth-led organisations in policy, development and peace-building processes, including in preparations and advocacy for the post-2015 UN development agenda and the United Nations system-wide action plan on youth;
  6. Engage both traditional and new media globally in addressing youth issues;
  7. Ensure the integration of gender perspective across all work areas;
  8. Represent the Secretary General as appropriate.

The excitement of the international youth sector was palpable—if not unanimously shared—but after the issue of a call for nominations in March 2012, nothing has happened for months.

In July, it became clear why. In the Youth Flash Newsletter it states:

UN Youth Advisor: a big announcement with a small budget

UN Youth Advisor: a big announcement with a small budget

“Numerous nominations have been received for both the role of the Special Advisor and her/his Advisory Group. The terms of reference for the role of Special Advisor indicate an exciting time ahead for youth issues within the UN system. However, for the role to be appointed funding contributions from Member States to support the office of the Special Advisor and his/her team for the medium term must first be secured. We hope to have more information on this process in the coming months.”


It’s difficult to decide what is more outrageous: that the special advisor for youth was announced without having the budgetary provisions in place, or that there is apparent trouble raising sufficient funds from UN member states to put such provisions in place.

How can this be real? How can something be announced and presented as ultimate fact, when there is no money to make it happen? How can it be so difficult to raise the money necessary to equip the advisor with meaningful resources?

This is political slapstick of the worst kind. Those responsible for this farce should be ashamed.

UN Youth Advisor: a big announcement with a small budget

UN Youth Advisor: a big announcement with a small budget


Education for All: Global Report 2012

The Education for All Global Monitoring Report is the prime instrument used to assess and track progress towards achieving the six education goals agreed in the Dakar Framework for Action 2000-2015. With three years until the agreed deadline, the situation is alarming; few countries are on track to meet the EFA goals. The 2012 Monitoring Report focuses on skill development for young people. But is the report more than yet another compelling international vision?

Update: The youth version of the report has now been published (pdf, 2 MB).


The Global Monitoring Report

“…You are what you do, not what you say… all these meetings, conferences and plans are asking for change, but where is the action? Whose fault is it that we won’t achieve the goals in 2015?”

This was the call to action and demand for accountability issued by Lubna Sadek, panel member from the youth task force that produced a youth summary of the 2012 Education for All Global Monitoring Report, during her address to the opening session of UNESCO’s Plan with Youth Policy Forum.

The Forum, which is part of a wider programme that aims to strengthen the dialogue between young people, policy makers, practitioners and researchers in the formal and non-formal education and training sectors, has taken place in mid-October 2012 at UNESCO’s headquarters in Paris.

UNESCO’s Education for All Global Monitoring Report 2012 (pdf, 10 MB)—the prime instrument used to assess and track progress towards achieving the six education goals agreed in the Dakar Framework for Action 2000-2015 (pdf, 1 MB)—was launched at the opening session.

With three years until the agreed deadline, UNESCO’s assessment is alarming: Education and training systems in many countries are failing their mandate to provide a quality education for all young people.[1]

Despite significant gains in some regions, few countries are on track to meet the EFA goals:

Improvements in early childcare and education have been too slow; the aspiration to achieve universal primary education will be missed by a large margin; insufficient attention has been given to the goal of foundation skills; adult literacy remains an elusive goal to which governments and donors are indifferent; gender disparities continue to take a variety of forms; and global inequality in learning outcomes remains stark.

As a consequence, 61 million children and young people are without access to school, 75 million young people are unemployed, and an estimated 200 million young people are denied the second chance opportunities they need to acquire skills for employment.

As Gordon Brown, UN Special Envoy for Global Education stated,

“We’re at a crossroads, a check point… We’re stagnating… and the rising discontent of young people is a sign of unfair distribution of opportunities.”

That progress has stagnated is clear; where accountability for this lies, and whether the change of approach to policy formulation and methods of governance required to achieve the Dakar aspirations will occur, is however, more ambiguous.

Youth and skills: Putting education to work?

In recognition that insufficient attention has been paid to skills development, the 2012 Global Monitoring Report (pdf, 10 MB) focuses on goal three of the Dakar Framework for Action (pdf, 1 MB)—
ensuring that the learning needs of all young people and adults are met through equitable access to appropriate learning and life-skills programmes—and produces a series of recommendations to prioritise skill development for employment.

Three types of skills are identified as priority areas for policy action—foundational, transferable and technical/vocational skills—and policies and programmes are highlighted that have been successful in meeting the skills needs of disadvantaged young people.

The report strongly suggests that its content should form the backbone of national policies and investment strategies, and that the following ten actions should be adapted to local circumstances and prioritised by governments, aid donors, education community and the private sector:

Education for all Global Monitoring Report 2012: Youth and Skills

Much like the goals of the Dakar agreement these recommendations are clear in their vision, laudable in their aspirations and appear to be supported by a sense of urgency. However, even with political will, current systems and modes of thinking have been unable to deliver satisfactory progress on the Dakar goals.

As noted in the report:

“Where there are skills development plans, many are fragmentary, poorly coordinated, and inadequately aligned with labour market demands and countries’ development priorities.” [2]

The emphasis placed on training for the current labour market marks a major limitation not only of the currently existing ‘fragmentary, poorly coordinated and inadequately aligned’ skills development plans, but more fundamentally of the paradigm underpinning these plans as well as the Global Monitoring Report itself. Young people need more than skills for the jobs of the future: they need something that society doesn’t provide, namely the cultural, social, political and economic conditions to curtail the consequences of unsustainable growth and unfair distribution of (access to) resources and chances.

Similarly, recommendations around education should be based on a comprehensive understanding of the purpose it should serve. Without a more universal understanding of the components of a good life we risk continuing the pursuit of a narrowly defined existence. As one keynote speaker from South Africa noted,

“Life is more than producing goods and services for the economy… We don’t want to produce human robots.”

The commitments and visions articulated in the 2012 Global Monitoring Report, which are so characteristic of the start of the millennium, fail to respond to the scepticism that has emerged around decision-makers’ capacity to deliver.

What is to stop these recommendations becoming unmet aspirations that are forgotten in time for next year’s priority theme?



Youth and Public Policy in Kyrgyzstan

CONTEXT OF THE YOUTH POLICY REVIEWS

This audit, published in 2012 with the generous support of the Open Society Foundations, evaluates the impact of public policies on young people in Kyrgyzstan, analysing not only specific youth policies, but the wider policy dossiers affecting young peoples’ lives and rights.

It is part of a pilot series of six audit reports reviewing public policies affecting young people in the following countries: Estonia, Kyrgyzstan, Liberia, Nepal, Serbia, and Uganda. The pilot project consisted of research teams on the ground to conduct analyses based on a specially developed evaluation matrix, assisted and supported in the research process by international advisors. An International Editorial Board supervised and evaluated the pilot process.

The Open Society Youth Initiative provided funding for the pilot project. The Youth Initiative supports young people in their efforts to be agents of positive change and advocates for the full and effective participation of all young people in the political, social, and cultural life of their communities.

OBJECTIVES OF THE YOUTH POLICY REVIEWS

The pilot project had the following objectives:

  • To review public policies pertaining to youth (including, but not exclusively, specific youth policies) in several countries using the draft evaluation matrix specifically developed for the purpose.
  • To make available research that will allow young people to engage in an informed debate on the public policies affecting them and their communities in the countries concerned.
  • To build a pool of young researchers capable of evaluating policies pertaining to youth, including specific youth policies.
  • To contribute to building the capacity of the youth sector in the countries concerned to research public policy issues.
  • To develop the evidence base for pilot advocacy activities in cooperation with the Open Society Youth Initiative and other partners.
  • To broaden the scope of the international youth sector to include general policies pertaining to youth that go beyond specific youth policies.
  • To develop the capacity of the international youth sector and its partners and networks for evidence-based strategy development for young people and their issues.

KEY FINDINGS OF THE KYRGYZSTAN REVIEW

Youth and Public Policy in Kyrgyzstan

Over the past decade, Kyrgyzstan has developed a raft of youth policies, but few of these seem to genuinely improve young people’s access to information, rights, and opportunities. Too many of the laws, regulations, and conceptual documents have been reactive: off-the-cuff responses to political events—particularly, young people’s participation in the popular uprisings that overthrew two presidents—rather than the enactment of a strategic vision. Worse still, many policies exist on paper only, without effective mechanisms to achieve their stated aims.

Many of these policies are currently being revised or written anew; unfortunately, this has become a perennial activity that seems to bear little fruit—in part because policy goals tend to be very broad and the means of implementation very vague. Frequent changes in leadership and bureaucratic restructuring make the problem worse. In the past eight years, responsibility for youth policy has bounced around among six different agencies, creating a lack of continuity and further diluting officials’ accountability.

Kyrgyzstan’s youth policy lacks a comprehensive, systemic approach to existing problems and remains ineffective, poorly targeted and formalistic. Worryingly, many youth-related programmes rely heavily on international donors and fluctuate together with their priorities and resources. Foundational youth policy documents contain contradictions and lack concreteness; responsibility for implementation continues to be diffuse; data collection and procedures for evaluating and monitoring policy are extremely weak; policy coherence, cross-sectoral cooperation, and creative approaches to engaging young people are also missing.

Overall, Kyrgyzstan’s youth policy fails to focus on young people’s needs or future roles in society.

Predictably, the positive impact of past youth policies has been minimal.

DOWNLOAD THE FULL REPORT AS A PDF

The full audit report can be downloaded as a pdf document here:

English: Youth and Public Policy in Kyrgyzstan (2 MB, pdf)
По-ру́сски: Молодежь и государственная политика в Кыргызстане (2 мБ, pdf)

READ THE FULL REPORT ONLINE

We will turn the English version of the report into an online format so it can browsed and read—in its entirety—online.

THANKS & ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We extend our thanks to Chinara Esengul, Baglan Mamaev, Natalia Yefimova-Trilling, Harini Amarasuriya, Yael Ohana, Milosz Czerniejewski, Mehrigiul Ablezova and Emir Kulov for their hard work on the report, to all the persons we were able to interview and discuss the situation of young people and the impact of public policies on youth in Kyrgyzstan (see appendix 1 for an exhaustive list), as well as to the teams of the Open Society Youth Initiative, iDebate Press and Demokratie & Dialog.